The Italian Navy in WWII, what went wrong?

Post a reply

Confirmation code
Enter the code exactly as it appears. All letters are case insensitive.

BBCode is OFF
Smilies are OFF

Topic review
   

Expand view Topic review: The Italian Navy in WWII, what went wrong?

by Guest » Tue Nov 13, 2007 1:11 pm

JoeA wrote:
Not saying the Italian navy was poor or second rate though, far from it.

The only major power navy that's more second rate than the Italian Navy would be the Soviet Navy. But I have to admit Italian Navy was a considerable distance ahead of the Soviet Navy as it existed.



:big_grin:

by JoeA » Mon Nov 12, 2007 6:38 pm

Seasick wrote:What went wrong?

Italy had a very good Navy, better than Germany or Japan.
Nonsense. The u-boats were second to none in professionalism and tenacity even when they were clearly outmatched. Sorry Japan had the best all-round balanced fleet in the Axis, how many aircraft carriers entered service in Germany or Italy?? Oh yea, NONE. :wave_1: Heck in 1941 the Kido Butai was possibly the best naval air strike force, possibly one of the best collection of elite aviators around in fact. Best torpedoes bar none.

Not saying the Italian navy was poor or second rate though, far from it.

by Guest » Sat Nov 10, 2007 10:33 pm

Seasick wrote:......

Italy had a very good Navy, better than Germany or Japan. .......

:lol_pound: :lol_pound: :lol_pound: :lol_pound: :lol_pound:


Only in midget submarines can the Italians give the Germans and Japanese a run for their money.

by Seasick » Sat Nov 10, 2007 10:24 pm

What went wrong?

Italy had a very good Navy, better than Germany or Japan. The problem is the nature of strong man dictatorships like Mussolini and Hitler. The division promoted in society by their "gangs", such as a inter-service rivaly gone berzerk diminishes the effectivness of the armed services.

In NAZI Germany the Luftwaffe, Army, and Kreigsmarine fought three seperate wars, the same thing happened in Italy. Frequently the Italian navy was not given air support by the air force. The Italian navy fought hard in the war. It didn't help when the Luftwaffe air cover was withdrawn from convoys and the Italians got plastered from the air.

by phil gollin » Fri Nov 09, 2007 6:04 am

RNfanDan wrote:Hey gang,

Is it really necessary to keep including the ENTIRE previous post when you reply to someone? I cannot be the only one here who is sick of seeing the same full-page post over and over...

...

The problem is that if one is trying to reply to an interleaved answer the only way to put a third post (second answer in) is to try to colour the latest reply.

At least by putting the whole quote in one doesn't have to have two windows open at he same time to understand the answer.

by RNfanDan » Thu Nov 08, 2007 4:22 pm

Hey gang,

Is it really necessary to keep including the ENTIRE previous post when you reply to someone? I cannot be the only one here who is sick of seeing the same full-page post over and over...






...and over :mad_1:

I think we get the idea which post you are replying to, without dragging the whole page into it every time!

Please...?

by Guest » Thu Nov 08, 2007 3:13 pm

If only the Italian navy had been as combative as we are here.....


:big_grin: :big_grin: :big_grin:

by phil gollin » Thu Nov 08, 2007 1:33 am

1Big Rich wrote:Phil,

Rubbish? Financial considerations and the state of the fleet played ABSOLUTELY no part?

Let me direct you to Moretz�s The Royal Navy and the Capital Ship in the Interwar Period, pp. 225-227:
The steady, evolutionary nature of the Service�s tactical doctrine during the period is most clearly demonstrated by the eventual acceptance of a night action by heavy ships. Throughout most of this period, the Navy eschewed the concept of seeking of a night encounter amongst heavy ships, and this reluctance was confirmed by the many tactical exercises conducted:


By 1938, the Service had embraced the idea of engaging in a fleet action at night. The acceptance of night-fighting by the Service has at times been explained by the wartime experience of officers such as Chatfield, Fisher, Godfrey, and Drax. With their promotion to the senior ranks of the Navy, they were able to overcome the conservative dogma which held that such encounters were able to be avoided by heavy ships. This is, at best, only a partial explanation. The decision to not only accept battle at night, but, in fact, to seek it, was established at long last because British naval supremacy could no longer be maintained by numbers alone and night fighting seemed tailor-made for a Naval Service composed of effectively trained long-serving professionals. (This last point was more problematic, as the number of night-firings held was, at times extremely limited. For 1930, the Atlantic Fleet conducted but one.) Moreover, the rubric that it favoured the weaker naval power at the expense of the stronger, as chance played a greater determinant, while true, no longer seemed to apply. At best, Britain, would probably only be equal to an adversary in future war, and could, indeed, be the weaker force.

The last point was confirmed in a series of fleet exercises that sought to develop the necessary tactics to allow the British fleet to successfully engage an enemy force that enjoyed an advantage in long-range gunnery. With only Nelson and Rodney able to engage ships beyond 30,000 yards, and with US, Japanese and German ships known to enjoy such an advantage in gunnery, and the results were disquieting, to say the least. In April 1933 the Mediterranean Fleet tested the hypothesis in exercise. �R.R� Red Fleet, consisting of five battleships, and enjoying a slight advantage in speed, but limited to firing its main armament to a range of 23,800 yards, engaged Blue Fleet, a force of four battleships, able to fire to 32,000 yards. Both fleets were equal in cruiser and destroyer forces, and while Red was able to dispose of Blue�s cruiser force in short order, the engagement of the opposing battlefleets brought grief to Red. It is worth reporting the summary of the action at length:
The assessment concluded by advising that:
In the following year, 1934, an expanded exercise, �Z.J.� was conducted, by the combined Mediterranean and Home Fleets on the question. This time, of its five battleships, Red Fleet was allowed to whose maximum range exceeded 32,000 yards. They faced an equal number of battleships enjoying the advantage of long-range gunnery. If anything the results were even more disconcerting. Red Fleet lost two battleships outright, two others were disable to 50 per cent and 25 per cent respectively and Resolution was damaged, but slightly. Blue Fleet�s losses included the sinking of Nelsonand damage of 50 per cent and 25 per cent to Malaya and Barham.
My emphasis with the bolding. Moretz goes on, but those passages would be superfluous to the point there. The questions are why couldn�t British superiority be guaranteed by numbers, and why were British ships deficient in long-range gunnery? Could the finances available for modernization, especially increased elevation, be at play?

You�ll also note that the �wartime experience� of the officers in question does not include the period from 1919 to 1939. So I�ll stick with my �rubbish� and conclude that there were no naval actions between 1919 and 1939 succinctly indicating a need for night fighting.
You try to wriggle - you made a definitive statement that ignored many, many more facts than your extremely limited viewpoint.

You forgot to add the problem of numbers due to the Washington Treaty - which is where your new "numbers" quote should be referred to (not money per se)

You also ignore the timimg of the 1930s refits compared to when the older ships were meant to go out of service to be replaced by new builds.

As the war experience prior to 1919 affected the designs and exercises post-1919 you seem to want to ignore everything of relevance.

by phil gollin » Wed Nov 07, 2007 6:13 pm

1Big Rich wrote:
What is rhetorical about it ?
You want facts to disprove your opinion, yet provide no facts to support it.

Really, Phil, I thought were about serious historical debate. If you can�t support your opinions with facts, that�s fine. We can still debate opinions.
And that has some sort of relevence ?
Just this: The RN�s U-class were ideal boats for the Mediterranean. I think you or I would be hard pressed design a better boat for the environs even given hindsight. And yet they STILL found the Med a very dangerous place, thirteen of them being lost there (another half dozen lost in the North Sea, but I digress).
No. The whole point was that the Italians didn't build new ships (merchants and escorts) and didn't use their coastal shipping in North QAfrica. That is why I criticise the Italian Navy. They failed. One doesn't criticise the Western Allies for losing their logistics war because they built new escorts and merchant ships to the detriment of other programmes. Ignoring the requirements of the naval logistics war is something due criticism
I agree (you may consider this a sign of the Apocalypse). However, the Western Allies had the capacity for both merchant and naval programs. (Especially after Pearl Harbor; 27 shipyards opened in 1942 in California alone, but again, I digress.) Italy did not. And that lies at the feet of the Fascists, not the RM. I can�t fault the RM for getting the 212 merchantmen caught outside the Med, or for the state of the Italian economy. Involvement in Spain and Abyssinia hurt the RM, caused more of the budget to go to the other services and distorted the Italian economy. Those are Fascists policies, not those of Supermarina.

Besides, Italy�s ~3m GRT merchantmen were bringing raw materials to the Italian economy. Once the ends of the Med are closed to them, that raw material pipeline narrows precipitously. The RN was in a much better position
Who said it had to be a war of attrition ? There were plenty of opportunities for both small and large objectives which were totally within the grasp of the Italian armed forces, apart from their duties in support of the army. The general mediterranean historians have looked at the Italian opportunities and wondered why they didn't take them. The idea that the Italians should "hold onto her capital ships" rather than actually fight the war is a joke. If your attitude to war is that we won't bother fighting it then it is condemning oneself to lose.

It is hardly surprising that the ordinary historian finds it easy to criticise the Italian command if they had the attitude you claim.
What else is it when one navy is the largest in the world, can pull reinforcements in from other theatres and has the supply to not only build replacements but also repair damaged ships and the other navy does not? While neither nation could easily afford losses, the RN was in a much better position to absorb them the RM.
Allowing the Italians to pick and choose instead of actually concentrating on trying to win the war means they are not competent to run the navy.
My reading leads me to believe navies pick and choose their battles all the time, as well as when it�s prudent to break off of those battles. I�ll point to Cunningham at Calabria again for an example of the RN doing so.
Where have I said such things ?
Everywhere. One cannot call the Nemean Lion a tom cat, the Hydra a gardener sake or the Stygian Stables a closet without diminishing Hercules. The same applies here.
Why do you think that the Italian naval high command have a right to throw the war away without criticism ?
Where have I said such things? I didn�t say they were beyond criticism. But I do understand why the admirals and commanders on the spot acted as they did. Absolute reliance on English speaking sources inevitably leads to your conclusions. I think you need expand your library with some opinions from the other side. Not that they�re perfect either, but you have to get to the other side if the truth lies somewhere in the middle�
You somehow think that bringing up individual RN actions somehow has a bearing on the criticism of the Italian Naval high command - why ?
Isn�t that what you�re doing? The individual RM actions have a bearing on the criticism of Supermarina?

The point is this: The men who taught and mentored the likes of Fulgosi, Mimbelli and de la Penne then placed them in positions to do the things that they did could not have been so stunningly incompetent as you contend, just as the men who trained and mentored King and placed him in his position with regards to that night should not be called incompetent either.
a: You're mis-using the term rhetorical

b: The RN also used other sub classes - so ?????

c: One cannot blame the government for not building escorts and merchants and ignore the navy. The navy is responsible for naval affairs. They continued to build large ships. Whereas look at the huge changes in direction the western allies acheived to first prioritise escorts and then landing craft. ANd the Italians ? - they just failed.

d: Also, it would have helped if the Italians had re-called all their merchant vessels before declaring war

e: The idea in war is to win, not wander around not doing anything. There are strategies (e.g. a fleet in being) which could be employed - but they demand the basing and operations sufficient to pose a threat - something that the Italians failed to continue. But just ignoring opportunities means that there are reasons for criticism.

f: You expect the Italians to pick and choose to do nothing (or rather a very limited amount) and then expect historians not to criticise them - why ? To pick and choose to hardly anything is no way to win a war.

g: Calling your bluff over Italian relative inactivity is not trying to rubbish the Italian Navy per se it is (as stated) rubbishing their leadership.

h: The whole point about this thread is to try to re-balance the revisionists who have raised some good points but who are intent on trying to whitewash the naval leadership (as you seem to be here also). The naval leadership had to deal with the government (as did all naval leaderships) and they failed.

i: You don't explain your introduction of RN individual actions - you try mixing up criticism with the general italian naval inactivity - why ?

j: Again you ignore the acknowledgement of the success of certain lower level Italian actions - but draw a veil over the incompetence of the naval higher levels

by ar » Wed Nov 07, 2007 6:04 pm

1Big Rich wrote:
True.. but what is surprising that attack seemed to "take the wind out of their sails" instead of giving the Italians a War Cry..like PH did to the USN.
I wouldn�t say that, Walt. Spartivento was what, fifteen days after the raid on Taranto? And the Italians were already out engaging the RN again, with an aircraft carrier in the equation�
Dear Mr Rich,
Some good points, which I suspect took some time to think though.
I may have missed it, but there was NO mention of ULTRA in your responses. Please explain.

by 1Big Rich » Wed Nov 07, 2007 12:19 pm

True.. but what is surprising that attack seemed to "take the wind out of their sails" instead of giving the Italians a War Cry..like PH did to the USN.
I wouldn�t say that, Walt. Spartivento was what, fifteen days after the raid on Taranto? And the Italians were already out engaging the RN again, with an aircraft carrier in the equation�

by 1Big Rich » Wed Nov 07, 2007 12:17 pm

The Key to Mare Nostrum was Malta either capture it or neutralise it.
Simply a half hearted attempt to stopping supplies getting through to it and bombing the heck out of Valletta won't do!
Laurence,

I think Malta was neutralized several times, but the RN was dedicated to keeping it in play, and rightfully so. All those Spitfires and Hurricanes went somewhere. IIRC, Wasp conducted her second Spitfire fly-off because most of the machines delivered in the first were so rapidly put out of commission or destroyed.
This show a total ineptness from their naval design bureau.
I think the designers, like most under a dictator, were going the �bigger is better� route, since meglomaniacs are frequently enamoured with such things. The Med was a very harsh environment for such boats, especially given the clear waters where subs could be sighted submerged down to 50 ft in some instances. (Which is why I think the U-class were ideal for the Med, but again, I digress.) However, Italian boats did better outside the Mediterranean. Italian boats based at Bordeaux accounted for over 568,000 tons sunk and another 200,000 damaged. While the environment was much more target rich, it was also much more submarine friendly.
Crew morale and discipline has everything to do with going into combat. Fatigue, moral and discipline can be the difference to winning or loosing a naval battle.
Agreed, but the likes of Bergami, Campioni, Iachino and Paladini didn�t regard moral as low. Franco Magueri wrote postwar that �In ships, in manpower, in seamanship and in esprit de corps, we had no reason to feel ashamed.�
Where do you get the idea of 20 x 15-inch guns for the British?
The twenty guns are on the Italian battleships, with 10 each.
Thus your figures are folly.

Cesare or Cavour,10 guns with 1,157 lbs shells

10 x 1157 = 11,570 lbs

Warspite, 8 guns, 1,938 lbs shells

8 x 1938 = 15,504 lbs.

You�ll note that I said Warspite alone had a broadside advantage of nearly 50 % over EITHER Italian, not both.
Admiral Cunningham would not have tucked tail and withdrawn from the minor damage Admiral Campioni sustained on Cesare.
And Warspite was withdrawn from the waters around Crete and sent to Bremerton for repairs with bomb damage why? Certainly the bomb wasn�t equal to one of her own shells? I don�t doubt Cunningham�s testicular fortitude at all, but only the fool or the desperate continues fighting with damaged ships when there is opportunity to withdraw.. At the time of Calabria, Campioni was neither and had that opportunity.
I ask you what risks where there to the Italian's for continuing the battle?
In a word, Eagle. The Italians had respect for the potential of aircraft, even if their own relationship with the RA was less than perfect.

Just as valid a question though is why did Cunningham not continue pursuit? He had the advantage in firepower and the Campioni was slowed by the hit. Yet he broke off as well, not even entering the Italian smoke screen. I know why he did so, his thinking the Italians were drawing him into a trap, either submarines or torpedo boats and the proximity to Sicily and the airfields there. That�s prudence, for risking Warspite or even Malaya for minor victory exceeds diminishing returns. Why is it not so when the Italians practice the same?
Finally an important point you seemed to have missed is the Japanese were firing 24-inch 1,200lb warhead torpedoes at PoW whereas the British hit Veneto with an 18-inch 700-800lb warhead.
Thus the Japanese's warhead was much larger and should cause more damage.
You�re confusing the fabled Type 93 �Long Lance� carried by surface ships with the 17.7� Type 91 of the IJNAF. The Model 1 carried by the Nells that did the critical damage to PoW in the Second Attack had only a 331lb warhead. The Bettys that delivered the coup de grace had the Model 2 version, with a 452 lb warhead.

Further, her Veneto class can outrange and one on one out gun any British battleship in the Med apart from a Nelson.
What has she got to fear?
The RN has the supplies to repair Nelson, the RM would hard pressed to repair Veneto. In the event of loss, Veneto represents one-sixth of Italian battleship strength, while Nelson represents one-fifteenth. To reiterate my previous point, the RM wasn�t going to engage in a war of attrition with the largest navy in the world. It�s a loosing strategy.
No I'm saying she had 11 months to prepare for her opening movements in the war.
I�d note that it was at the RM�s insistence that the Ministry of Communication finally signaled the merchantmen outside the Med to make for home, neutral of friendly ports within three days.

Mussolini only jumped in when France capitulated because he thought the war was going to be short and needed to get in on the spoils. Had he consulted his military leadership, a third of Italy�s merchant tonnage wouldn�t have been lost that first day because of its location and there certainly would have been more stockpiling of raw materials.
The RM's incompetence was 2 fold:
1) To incorrectly plan for a naval war with the Royal Navy in the Med.
2) To incorrectly adjust technically, doctrinally and tactically as the naval war progressed, lessons became self-evident and apply those changes rapidly or at all.
We already disagree in whether Italy planned for war, so I we�ll disagree on point one as well.

To point two, I�d say they did adjust, certainly as the RN and USN did when confronted with circumstances unconsidered in the previous decade, and I�d point to the conversion of the Liner Roma to the carrier Aquila as evidence of that adjustment. But the illustration of their adjustments were cut short with the fall of Tunisia in May of 1943 and the end of the Navy�s mission to resupply North Africa.
1) A lack of a naval air arm and too much given over to high level bombing.
2) A lack of aircraft carriers - The French developed Bearn in 1927 what made the RM so reluctant?
I can understand their thinking about being always close enough for land based aircraft, but they were planning to face a navy partly based at Gib, Alex and Malta thats quite a vast distance and a mobile aircraft force would be a major tactical ace up their sleeve.
Apart from a small floatplane carrier why did they not at least make 1 small aircraft carrier inter-war to evaluate the possabilities?
3) Poor inter-service inter-operability something which would dog her and Japan for the entire war.
Further enough simply wasn't done quickly enough to rectifiy the problems when they became glarringly obvious.
On point one, I agree completely. I�ll point again to Operation Hats, foiled by a lack of adequate recon. Had indigenous airpower been available, the RM would have been in much better control of circumstances. In the case of Operation Hats, either Force H, Force F or the Mediterranean Fleet might have been destroyed in detail�

To point two, I�d direct you to Sadkovich�s �The Italian Navy in World War II�. He has excellent passages on the decision, the reasoning behind it and the politics of the time, and his work is EXTREMELY well sourced. Beware the cost, though; they're not kidding about the 'arm' and 'leg' part. But again, I digress

I agree on point three as well, and it could be applied to Germany just as easily. And to a lesser extent, to the US and UK as well.

by 1Big Rich » Wed Nov 07, 2007 12:15 pm

I believe that the biggest problem that the Italians had from mid 1940 to the end of 1942 was one Admiral Cunningham. He wouldn't go away. Every time they left the house, this terrier would rush up and start biting them in the ankles. and it never seemed to be on a lead. It must have driven them crazy.
Good point, ar. I think Cunningham�s tenacity and accomplishments are all the more remarkable when one considers he was limited in his operational capital ships by the infrastructure in Alexandria.

See this thread for more detail:

http://www.bobhenneman.info/forum/viewtopic.php?t=571

I think if the RN had the foresight to get the larger dock out of harm�s way and to Alexandria in 1940, Cunningham might have would made shorter work of the Italians. Hood in Warspite�s position means Cesare doesn�t get away at Calabria. A KGV and Renown at Matapan might bring Veneto to action. Operation Hats might see a KGV reinforcing the Med Fleet instead of Valiant.

by 1Big Rich » Wed Nov 07, 2007 12:14 pm

Phil,

Rubbish? Financial considerations and the state of the fleet played ABSOLUTELY no part?

Let me direct you to Moretz�s The Royal Navy and the Capital Ship in the Interwar Period, pp. 225-227:
The steady, evolutionary nature of the Service�s tactical doctrine during the period is most clearly demonstrated by the eventual acceptance of a night action by heavy ships. Throughout most of this period, the Navy eschewed the concept of seeking of a night encounter amongst heavy ships, and this reluctance was confirmed by the many tactical exercises conducted:
164. Experience gained in night practice confirms that the general principles governing the conduct of heavy ships at night as laid down in the Battle Instructions. No development has arisen to weaken the following conclusions: -
(i) Night actions between heavy ships are usually not desirable.
(ii) If we cannot count with certainty on engaging the enemy at daylight the following morning, strategy must decide whether the risk involved in fighting at night should be accepted for the sake of immediate battle.
(iii) The risks involved in pursuing after dark a beaten and disorganized enemy, will probably be slight in comparison with the advantages gained by denying him the opportunity of reorganizing his forces.
(iv) A vigorous attacj on the enemy vessels sighted offers the best chance of success.


By 1938, the Service had embraced the idea of engaging in a fleet action at night. The acceptance of night-fighting by the Service has at times been explained by the wartime experience of officers such as Chatfield, Fisher, Godfrey, and Drax. With their promotion to the senior ranks of the Navy, they were able to overcome the conservative dogma which held that such encounters were able to be avoided by heavy ships. This is, at best, only a partial explanation. The decision to not only accept battle at night, but, in fact, to seek it, was established at long last because British naval supremacy could no longer be maintained by numbers alone and night fighting seemed tailor-made for a Naval Service composed of effectively trained long-serving professionals. (This last point was more problematic, as the number of night-firings held was, at times extremely limited. For 1930, the Atlantic Fleet conducted but one.) Moreover, the rubric that it favoured the weaker naval power at the expense of the stronger, as chance played a greater determinant, while true, no longer seemed to apply. At best, Britain, would probably only be equal to an adversary in future war, and could, indeed, be the weaker force.

The last point was confirmed in a series of fleet exercises that sought to develop the necessary tactics to allow the British fleet to successfully engage an enemy force that enjoyed an advantage in long-range gunnery. With only Nelson and Rodney able to engage ships beyond 30,000 yards, and with US, Japanese and German ships known to enjoy such an advantage in gunnery, and the results were disquieting, to say the least. In April 1933 the Mediterranean Fleet tested the hypothesis in exercise. �R.R� Red Fleet, consisting of five battleships, and enjoying a slight advantage in speed, but limited to firing its main armament to a range of 23,800 yards, engaged Blue Fleet, a force of four battleships, able to fire to 32,000 yards. Both fleets were equal in cruiser and destroyer forces, and while Red was able to dispose of Blue�s cruiser force in short order, the engagement of the opposing battlefleets brought grief to Red. It is worth reporting the summary of the action at length:
11. The two battlefleets came into sight at 36,000 yards, and at 32,000 yards Blue fired a few rounds. Red cruisers and destroyers then attempted to cover their battlefleet with smoke, but this did not prevent Blue from deploying at a range of 29,000 yards and bringing a four-ship concentration on to the Red Revenge
12. Discounting the effect of Blue gunfire under these conditions, Red held his course for another twelve minutes, and then swung round to close at a maximum rate. After 40 minutes, under fire, he was able to open his foremost turrets at 23,700 yards but in this interval Revenge was destroyed.
13. With the range down to 22,000 yards, Red turned to a parallel course to open his �A� arcs. Blue promptly turned away together to open the range, leaving only his after turrets bearing, but Red followed at once. By this manoeuvre Blue had opened the range 800 yards, but as Red was in pursuit, to advantage was to gained by further retirement, Blue turned back determined to close quickly to decisive range.
The assessment concluded by advising that:
Unless the fleet with the shorter range guns has a large advantage in speed, or visibility is limited, the use of smoke appears to be essential in order to avoid damage, which may be serious, when closing a well-handled fleet armed with longer-range guns.
In the following year, 1934, an expanded exercise, �Z.J.� was conducted, by the combined Mediterranean and Home Fleets on the question. This time, of its five battleships, Red Fleet was allowed to whose maximum range exceeded 32,000 yards. They faced an equal number of battleships enjoying the advantage of long-range gunnery. If anything the results were even more disconcerting. Red Fleet lost two battleships outright, two others were disable to 50 per cent and 25 per cent respectively and Resolution was damaged, but slightly. Blue Fleet�s losses included the sinking of Nelsonand damage of 50 per cent and 25 per cent to Malaya and Barham.
My emphasis with the bolding. Moretz goes on, but those passages would be superfluous to the point there. The questions are why couldn�t British superiority be guaranteed by numbers, and why were British ships deficient in long-range gunnery? Could the finances available for modernization, especially increased elevation, be at play?

You�ll also note that the �wartime experience� of the officers in question does not include the period from 1919 to 1939. So I�ll stick with my �rubbish� and conclude that there were no naval actions between 1919 and 1939 succinctly indicating a need for night fighting.

by 1Big Rich » Wed Nov 07, 2007 12:10 pm

What is rhetorical about it ?
You want facts to disprove your opinion, yet provide no facts to support it.

Really, Phil, I thought were about serious historical debate. If you can�t support your opinions with facts, that�s fine. We can still debate opinions.
And that has some sort of relevence ?
Just this: The RN�s U-class were ideal boats for the Mediterranean. I think you or I would be hard pressed design a better boat for the environs even given hindsight. And yet they STILL found the Med a very dangerous place, thirteen of them being lost there (another half dozen lost in the North Sea, but I digress).
No. The whole point was that the Italians didn't build new ships (merchants and escorts) and didn't use their coastal shipping in North QAfrica. That is why I criticise the Italian Navy. They failed. One doesn't criticise the Western Allies for losing their logistics war because they built new escorts and merchant ships to the detriment of other programmes. Ignoring the requirements of the naval logistics war is something due criticism
I agree (you may consider this a sign of the Apocalypse). However, the Western Allies had the capacity for both merchant and naval programs. (Especially after Pearl Harbor; 27 shipyards opened in 1942 in California alone, but again, I digress.) Italy did not. And that lies at the feet of the Fascists, not the RM. I can�t fault the RM for getting the 212 merchantmen caught outside the Med, or for the state of the Italian economy. Involvement in Spain and Abyssinia hurt the RM, caused more of the budget to go to the other services and distorted the Italian economy. Those are Fascists policies, not those of Supermarina.

Besides, Italy�s ~3m GRT merchantmen were bringing raw materials to the Italian economy. Once the ends of the Med are closed to them, that raw material pipeline narrows precipitously. The RN was in a much better position
Who said it had to be a war of attrition ? There were plenty of opportunities for both small and large objectives which were totally within the grasp of the Italian armed forces, apart from their duties in support of the army. The general mediterranean historians have looked at the Italian opportunities and wondered why they didn't take them. The idea that the Italians should "hold onto her capital ships" rather than actually fight the war is a joke. If your attitude to war is that we won't bother fighting it then it is condemning oneself to lose.

It is hardly surprising that the ordinary historian finds it easy to criticise the Italian command if they had the attitude you claim.
What else is it when one navy is the largest in the world, can pull reinforcements in from other theatres and has the supply to not only build replacements but also repair damaged ships and the other navy does not? While neither nation could easily afford losses, the RN was in a much better position to absorb them the RM.
Allowing the Italians to pick and choose instead of actually concentrating on trying to win the war means they are not competent to run the navy.
My reading leads me to believe navies pick and choose their battles all the time, as well as when it�s prudent to break off of those battles. I�ll point to Cunningham at Calabria again for an example of the RN doing so.
Where have I said such things ?
Everywhere. One cannot call the Nemean Lion a tom cat, the Hydra a gardener sake or the Stygian Stables a closet without diminishing Hercules. The same applies here.
Why do you think that the Italian naval high command have a right to throw the war away without criticism ?
Where have I said such things? I didn�t say they were beyond criticism. But I do understand why the admirals and commanders on the spot acted as they did. Absolute reliance on English speaking sources inevitably leads to your conclusions. I think you need expand your library with some opinions from the other side. Not that they�re perfect either, but you have to get to the other side if the truth lies somewhere in the middle�
You somehow think that bringing up individual RN actions somehow has a bearing on the criticism of the Italian Naval high command - why ?
Isn�t that what you�re doing? The individual RM actions have a bearing on the criticism of Supermarina?

The point is this: The men who taught and mentored the likes of Fulgosi, Mimbelli and de la Penne then placed them in positions to do the things that they did could not have been so stunningly incompetent as you contend, just as the men who trained and mentored King and placed him in his position with regards to that night should not be called incompetent either.

by bengtsson » Thu Oct 18, 2007 6:52 pm

Laurence Batchelor wrote:Can somebody add any information on the amount of 'pushing' and pressure the German high command put on Italy to use their superior aerial and naval forces in the Mediterranean?
They seemed to me to be most angered their ally could not achieve any major headway and of course had to go and help them out in North Africa, Sicily and divert U-boats into the Med.
I can't say off hand Laurence. But I do seem to remember that actions leading up to Matapan were brought about mostly due to heavy German pressure. At least one book I read made that claim. The Italians were not very enthusiastic about heavy forces trying to interdict the British convoys to and from Greece. My reading on the subject of the Italian Navy from their own perspective makes clear that the RN Carrier force, small as it was, was a big factor in many cases of the Italians choosing not to persue a more agressive stance when the RN forces were in a postion to be brought to action.
I like Matapan as an example of what great use even a single Carrier with a small air group can be.
On the subject of Italian ASW efforts, I read in an article in the journal Warship that the Italians had no real active sonar system/asdic system until they were sold some German sets that were put on the new ASW Corvettes. Italian ASW ratings also went to German training establishments to learn the new sets operations.

Bob B.

by Laurence Batchelor » Thu Oct 18, 2007 4:58 pm

Can somebody add any information on the amount of 'pushing' and pressure the German high command put on Italy to use their superior aerial and naval forces in the Mediterranean?
They seemed to me to be most angered their ally could not achieve any major headway and of course had to go and help them out in North Africa, Sicily and divert U-boats into the Med.

by Guest » Thu Oct 18, 2007 4:49 pm

I suspect Italy declared war believing that is all she had to do to ride German coattails to victory. At first she only fought the big boys because the final victory, still thought to be inevitable, was late in coming. While waiting for it she didn't want to be thought of as a non-belligerent by default and thus loose her seat in the victory parade.

by Laurence Batchelor » Thu Oct 18, 2007 4:26 pm

bengtsson wrote:Sirte more than any action showed up the difference between Royal Navy manned Surface warships and those of the Italians. If ever there was a chance to "Make hay while the sun shined" for the Italian Navy it was at 2nd Sirte. It's often overlooked that it was not just a BB attempting to get at a Malta convoy, the BB had a fine force of Cruisers along with her who should have carried the battle to the RN light crusiers and given the BB a green light to take the convoy out with gunfire. In other words the Italians made poor use of their cruisers who ship for ship should have been able to fight Vian. Italian DDs ,if serving their role, should have engaged the RN destroyer attacks at a safe distance from the BB, again freeing her up to use those big guns on the convoy. I don't mean to say that Italian success would have been a sure thing had they been more agressive, but I do mean they had a chance had they been.
Barents sea was a close second to Sirte for defence of convoy. :wave_1:
Bob B.
I think also the wind was against the Italian's that day, both in a literal and metaphorical way :big_grin:

by Guest » Thu Oct 18, 2007 3:33 pm

It wouldn't be the first time Italy preserved an incomplete battleship hull though an entire war with the intention of finishing her after the war.

Top